Revision Guide. Chapter 1: Globalization and global politics. Over the last three decades the Sceptics do not regard this as evidence of globalization if that term means something more than simply international interdependence, i. It is producing the disaggregated state. All rights reserved.
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The definition of a warlord differ, but most authors agree that a Warlord is an actor who accumulate power and wealth for private means by using military force in an environment where the formal state has little or no control Reno, , MacKinlay, Despite the name, warlords do not necessarily exist exclusively in areas that are subject to violent conflict although this is common, but often they emerge in environments where the state has lost authority and control, leaving a void of power for the warlord to take.
You are advised to consult this key chapter if you have not done so already as its contents will not be repeated here. Bracketed chapter references, for example see ch. Unless otherwise stated emboldened words refer to key concepts in the relevant theory chapter, in this case chapter 6. Introduction As you already know from reading the chapter on Realism, this theoretical approach has many different tenets, but they all maintain that the state is the key actor and that non- governmental actors are secondary to analysis of International Relations IR.
Current debates in the discipline of International Relations IR today, question whether the state remains the main actor on the international arena today, in the face of globalization and a myriad of non-state actors ch. As such, they represent the so-called non-state actors whom the Realist theoretical approach traditionally has left out of the study of International Relations.
Yet, warlords may often have a significant influence on the direction and duration of many conflicts, due to their, at times, strong power hold over natural resources, enabling them to accumulate more capital than the state leaders. Similarly, they may exert power over large parts of the population when the government is incapable to extend its control to certain areas. As you have seen in chapter 6, Realism has many tenets, some more concerned with structure, while others more interested in the human nature.
Traditionally, Realism has overlooked the occurrence of intrastate wars and therefore ignored a number of non- governmental actors active on the scene of International Relations. However, although the main components of Realism continues to promote the centrality of the state as an actor in IR, certain Realists have demonstrated that the approach can be lowered to the state level in order to explain intra-state wars Posen Here, the inside of the state is resembled to the anarchy characterising the arena of international relations as the state is seen as having lost its authority.
In this setting it becomes possible to view warlords as one of many groups competing for power in an anarchic setting. Some Realists would however continue to maintain that the state is the sole important actor in IR and refer to the links that warlords may have with external states, which uses the warlords as proxies to project their power outside of their territories.
Box 1. Unless otherwise stated emboldened words refer to key concepts in the relevant theory chapter, in this case chapter 7. This case study will look at the topic of warlords through the prism of liberalism, covering 1. Neo-liberalism and warlords; and 2. Globalization and warlords. One of the reasons for this re-emergence is the end of the Cold War, which prompted the two previous superpowers: the US and the Soviet Union, to withdraw their support from client states world-wide, in particular in Africa.
Weak, failed states in conflict provide the perfect breeding ground for warlords. As a result, different types of warlords profited from the void left by the governments, taking over both state functions, such as the monopoly of violence, and state revenues, such as taxation in territories that are outside of the governmental control. Liberal IR theory recognizes the existence of non-state actors such as warlords, although it maintains that states are key actors in IR.
In addition, the liberal institutional school ch. Although Liberalism aims for peace and friendly relations through the advocacy of free trade and free markets, the increasingly liberal market, following the US victory in the Cold War has meant that the liberal capitalist economy also has had negative consequences in the sense of warlords taking profit of the free market, dealing with external actors who are less concerned with the legitimacy of their trading partners than the market price and the commodities sold.
Baylis, Smith and Owens: The Globalization of World Politics 6e Case Study: Warlords Liberalism as a theoretical approach emphasizes the influence of globalization in International Relations and underlines the interdependency it can create between different actors, due to increased trade and expanded markets.
Globalization as a phenomenon is however not limited to legal and legitimate actors and markets, but has also had an enormous influence on criminal networks all over the world. One of the reasons is the expanded market that makes it possible for actors, like warlords, to sell commodities to the other side of the world, even in highly remote locations without infrastructure.
This rapid expansion of markets obviously goes in the other direction as well. Warlords are now able to buy small arms and light weapons from sellers all over the worlds via Internet or through contact networks. The influx of small arms has a negative impact on conflicts and in weak states in general. Box 2. Unless otherwise stated emboldened words refer to key concepts in the relevant theory chapter, in this case chapter 9.
This case study will look at the topic of warlords through the prism of Marxism, covering 1. Wealth, power and warlords; and 2.
The line between public and private. The capitalist system is thus perceived as a powerful system as it enables the rich to get richer and hence more powerful and the poor to get poorer and as a consequence less powerful. The perspective could also be lowered down to the individual level, understanding the warlords as the individuals who coerce the population by violence into producing more raw materials, which constitute the base of the economic system.
The warlord sells the raw materials on the capitalist market to accumulate wealth for himself, without benefitting the producers, the workers. Through the accumulation of wealth he manages to acquire even more power, and the circle can continue. Baylis, Smith and Owens: The Globalization of World Politics 6e Case Study: Warlords military and socioeconomic, exercised directly and indirectly, the state represents "organized power" or domination.
Warlord politics builds on the desire to accumulate wealth and power through the exercise of force in public, although the benefits are private. Discussion question Are Marxist theories perhaps more suited to explain the blurry line between private and public that is distinguishing warlord politics than the traditional theories, like Realism?
Box 3. Collective authority and private authority may, by coincidence, resemble one another on occasions. For example, inhabitants of a collapsed bureaucratic state may enjoy security because of the presence of an armed organization seeking mineral resources for its members and its shareholders.
But the critical difference between this style of organization and a conventional state, even if very weak, lies in the fact that the inhabitants do not enjoy security by right of membership in a state. Social Constructivism and warlords From reading Chapter 10 of The Globalization of World Politics 6 th ed , you should now be familiar with the basic tenets of the Constructivist theoretical approach of International Relations IR. Unless otherwise stated emboldened words refer to key concepts in the relevant theory chapter, in this case chapter This case study will look at the topic of warlords through the prism of Constructivism, covering: 1.
Identity mobilization; and 2. How changing structure can drive agents. The main ideas of Social Constructivism is that these collectively held ideas are socially constructed and are therefore able to change in different contexts.
Identity is one of those concepts, which has been socially constructed and is therefore malleable in distinct situations. Warlords are often using identity as a means to mobilize and recruit fighters to their private armies, or to create hostility between different groups of individuals in order to advance their own interests.
One of the most efficient ways of creating new and enforcing existing identities is by confronting them to a real or made-up threat against the individuals of a certain group. This was the method used to reinforce the hostility between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda, before and after the genocide. By constructing a threat of extermination and nourishing it with speeches and symbols in the same direction, leaders of the Hutu extremists managed to reinforce existing cleavages in such a way that it could mobilize genocide.
Warlords can also use identity construction in order to create new identities with warrior names for child soldiers or adult soldiers who are recruited to their networks as if to throw off the ties of family tradition. This reconstruction of identities is thought to make them less responsible for terrible conducts and more effective fighters, as their traditional social context is cut off MacKinlay, , p. U, those small guns because if they give us some kind of heavy artillery we would not be able to carry them.
They acquired a reputation among rebel commanders for unquestioning obedience - and a reputation among civilians for extreme cruelty. They are seen as mutually constituting and therefore in an interdependent relationship where changes in one affects the other ch Warlords cannot function in any context.
Functioning states with authority and control throughout the territory are unlikely to produce structures, which favour the emergence of warlords. Agents do not, however, necessarily profit from these structures; this depends on the context overall and their own opportunities at the time. The numbers vary, but between fifteen to twenty rebel groups are considered as active in the East of Congo at the time of writing Discussion question Constructivism may thus be able to explain the emergence of warlords in certain areas, but can it also explain how warlords disappear?
Post-colonialism and warlords From reading Chapter 12 of The Globalization of World Politics 6th ed , you should now be familiar with the basic tenets of the post-colonial approach of International Relations IR. This case study will look at the topic of warlords through the prism of post-colonialism covering: 1.
Warlords as unintended consequences of colonization; and 2. Warlords as proxies for the West 1 Warlords as unintended consequences of colonization As you have read in chapter 12, post-colonialism is concerned with the relations between the Northern countries in particular the former colonizers and the states who previously were colonized.
It touches the Marxist approaches in the sense that it aims to reveal unequal power structures in international relations. Yet its focus is on the past and present every-day lives of the populations in the former colonies as well as new means by Western states to impose neo-imperialism. From a post-colonial perspective, the politics of warlords, particularly in Africa, may in some cases be seen as the unintended consequences of years of oppression and coercion during the colonial governance.
From this perspective, the colonial state is seen as having locked the post-colonial state into a certain concept of Western modernity, which may not correspond to the actual reality of the state Ahluwalia, , p. As a result, the post-colonial state faces a number of challenges to live up to the Western perceived ideal modern nation state and may deliberately chose to disconnect into a different sort of a political organization than expected by colonizers and the West.
Their commercial ties with the external actors can be seen as a way to avoid new waves of neo-imperialism, in the sense that they are masters of their own destiny, whether that is through violent and criminal methods or not. In particular, the post-colonial outlook is concerned with new ways and methods by the previous colonizers to impose neo-imperialism onto weak states that can give little, if any resistance.
It might therefore not be surprising that many Western countries have used warlords as proxies in their attempts to gain or keep influence in certain states. Box 5. Relative to income there are two basic types of warlord. Proxy warlords are paid by some outside power, a broadly based system of funding, or a combination, upon which they depend for support. This case study will look at the topic of warlords through the prism of post-structuralism covering: 1.
Deconstructing discourses on warlords. Discourses are not only supposed to shape our understanding of certain events as neutral transmitters, they are also considered as producing meaning. If discourses produce meanings, they also direct the audience to think about a phenomenon in a particular way and thereby adopt a specific position, which may or may not include active policies or actions.
In the case of warlords, for example, authors define warlords quite differently, depending on what objective they want to achieve with their writings. The discourse used by Giustozzi is thus driving the reader to adopt a more positive viewpoint on the warlord than Mac Kinlay. In his article, he suggests the possibility of integrating warlords into political or military roles in a post-conflict state in this case Afghanistan , which gives an indication to why he chose to portray the warlord in more positive terms than Mac Kinlay.
Box 6. Hanley, B. Praeger Security International: Westport, pp. Jackson, P. Kanet, R. MacKinlay, J. Posen, B.
Baylis, Smith and Owens: The Globalization of World Politics 4e ...
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